percent of refugees in developing countries attended school beyond the primary stage (RET, 2000).

Once funds are allocated for youth education, agencies must decide

which skills and information receive priority. According to UNESCO, the major

educational categories are: emergency information such as landmine awareness

and cholera, health practices, reproductive health, peace education, vocational

education and literacy and numeracy (Aguilar & Retamal, 1998). Specifically

heated is the debate regarding whether education should be based in a

traditional literacy and numeracy curriculum or if it should have a vocational

focus. For example, a major criticism of Bantu education in South Africa was

specifically that it trained indigenous Africans only for physical labor.

Conversely, in a refugee or IDP community, income generating skills are often

requested in lieu of traditional curriculum. When asked about this debate Jane

Lowicki, former Youth Protection and Development Advisor of the IRC, replied:

Listen to the youth and guide them. There are a range of opportunities, not just

one; literacy and numeracy are cross-cutting. If you look at the research, the vast

majority [of adolescents] hasn’t finished primary school and probably never will.

The younger ones are particularly interested in finishing primary; older youth

are more concerned about jobs than education….Part and parcel of vocational

must be literacy and numeracy. Conversely, literacy and numeracy need to be

applicable. Kids do not learn inside a box. (personal communication, April 8,

2005)

Lowicki explains that economic development is a key issue in vocational

education. For example, the camps on the Thai-Burma border have created a

phenomenon that has come to be called “warehouse refugees.” These are

refugees that are not able to use the skills they have been trained in, or who are

not able to advance in their education (Lowicki, personal communication, April

8, 2005). This also occurred in Sierra Leone when UNICEF allowed youth to

select apprenticeships. UNICEF did not conduct a labor market survey

beforehand, and youth selected training, such as auto-mechanics, for fields with

no demand (Kemper, 2005).

Ann Avery, the Education Research and Development Manager of the

RET, explains that the focus of education in refugee camps is often linked to the

needs of the donor, especially when the donor is from the private sector. For

example, in Azerbaijan private industries are interested in mining for oil, and

this creates a need for skilled construction workers. For this reason they will

fund a training program to teach people construction skills (personal

communication April 14, 2005).

The implication of this practice on a global scale certainly awards private

commerce a powerful hand in shaping the future. Alternatively, when funding

comes from governments or intergovernmental agencies, the primary factor that

social services. In Nimule, Sudan, JRS supports education for IDPs by supplying
textbooks and stationery, teacher training, incentives for teachers and support for
maintenance and construction of school buildings. In 2003, as a result of these
efforts, 5,735 pupils in 14 primary schools received scholastic material, 838
secondary school students received assistance, 688 people enrolled in adult
literacy classes and 77 for skills training. Additionally, scholastic materials were
provided for 688 learners in 12 adult literacy centers (JRS, 2003). The primary
schools are open to primary-age children and youth.
When asked why JRS decided to allocate funds for secondary education
rather than increase primary enrollment, Roxanne Schares, the Educational
Resource for Africa through JRS, answered, “Education is more than primary
level. In refugee camps primary education has funding through UNHCR. It is
always the first to be provided for but secondary is not always provided. If it is
not [available], JRS will identify that need and provide the service” (personal
communication, April 14, 2005).
Schares explains that in order to improve the educational opportunities
for youth, sensitization and advocacy is required to convince governments,
donors and families of the value of education to rebuild infrastructure and
educational systems. Teachers need to be trained and work needs to be done to
stem the tide of instructors out of camps and into more lucrative positions once
they have received training. Finally, alternative forms of education need to be
developed that include adult and youth literacy, accelerated learning programs
and skills training (personal communication, April 14, 2005).
When asked if the education gap had created a “lost generation” Schares
responded, “Several generations have been lost, but others can still benefit. For
those who may seem lost, ‘education is not just for the young’ needs to be
promoted in communities, and advocated for among governments, NGOs and
other groups” (personal communication April 14, 2005). Jane Lowicki also
commented:
[To quote] Neil Boothby, ‘I’ve never seen a lost generation.’ It is true that many
will be killed, but a generation is never entirely ‘lost.’…I don’t want to give up
on the ability of coping skills to overcome… but it is true that there is a cycle of
deprivation if you keep ignoring groups in need. (personal communication,
April 10, 2005)
Sadako Ogata said of the founding of the RET, “Post-Primary Education
should be a promise, not a dream.” (RET, n.d.) The mission of RET is to facilitate
and promote international cooperation in post-primary education for refugee
youth. This works toward the goal of advancing human dignity, achievement
and self-reliance. Finally, RET serves as a resource and advocate for innovative
approaches in post-primary education for refugee youth. RET is unique in that it
only works with adolescent populations. Ann Avery explains RET’s position in

Unique Challenges for Adolescents

While young children have a higher incidence of mortality than adolescents,

there are many problems that youth experience at much higher rates than

younger children. Adolescents are more likely than young children to be

recruited into military service and to engage in armed conflict. There are more

than 300,000 child soldiers active in the world today (Singer, 2005). Children

who are separated from some or all of their family are more likely to be enlisted

into the army because of the support and protection it can provide. Faulkner

(2001) explains that this protection is often simply the lesser of two evils and the

resulting trauma is difficult to recover from.

However, given the exigencies of warfare, this role will be characterized by

violence, brutality, deprivation, death, sexual exploitation and callous

indifference to others. The end product is a person capable of gratuitous acts of

barbarity, often perpetrated with some enthusiasm, who is bereft of normal

character traits and who when peace or demobilization takes effect, is difficult to

rehabilitate to requirements of normal life. (p. 495)

Once children are removed from armed conflict, if given proper

treatment through psychosocial activities and educational development, they are

often able to reintegrate into the community and can contribute to the peacebuilding

process by utilizing their skills and knowledge and applying them to

civilian life (Kemper, 2005).

Because adolescents are out of school, and lack other educational

opportunities, they are often economically exploited and required to work in

dangerous conditions or forced into prostitution. Furthermore, adolescent girls

are more likely than younger children to be sexually abused or kidnapped for

sexual slavery, which in turn increases the likelihood of exposure to sexually

transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS. Potential contraction of the disease

is tragic, not only on an individual level, but also as an extremely destructive

force within the community as a whole (Lowicki, 2000).

Barriers to Access

Generally refugees are begrudgingly accepted into host countries where their

status is considered temporary until the situation stabilizes in their home

countries and they are able to return safely. For this reason host countries are

reluctant to provide services that are seen as non-essential. Because the CRC

defines basic education as a human right to which all children are entitled,

international agencies are able to exert pressure to provide these services,

specifically because nearly every country in the United Nations (UN) has ratified

the CRC. However, once a young person has progressed beyond basic primary

education, few opportunities exist for higher-level training. In 2000, only 3

Lost Generation: The Importance of Adolescent Education in Refugee and IDP Communities and the Barriers to Access

Introduction
Adolescents in refugee and IDP camps have the potential to be a transformative,
constructive force in community development both within the camp and during
the reconstruction process. It is also possible, however, that they can serve as a
source of destruction and re-ignite dwindling conflicts. Available educational
opportunities are critical to determining how adolescents participate in postconflict
outcomes.
The availability of educational opportunities for youth such as
accelerated primary education and post-primary resources is limited in part
because of the weak language used in the Convention on the Rights of the Child
(CRC). Primary education is “compulsory and available free to all” whereas
secondary and vocational education is “encouraged” (UNHCR, 1989). Because
of this weakness, donors focus less on secondary and vocational education,
which is geared toward older children. Lack of funding contributes to the sharp
decline in school enrollment beyond the forth grade (see figure 3). Furthermore,
females are at a disadvantage from the first grade onward when, according to a
survey conducted by the Women’s Commission of 500 projects in 113 countries,
boys’ enrollment is approximately twenty percent higher than girls’ (see figure
3)[1]. Additionally, while providing decent work opportunities for youth is
listed as one of the development goals of the Millennium Development Goals
project (MDG), achieving universal primary education has a deadline for
completion of 2015. Often, these two ambitions are in competition due to limited
funding.
Once children reach adolescence they are frequently required to aid in
household chores, generate income and care for younger siblings. They are
rarely given a voice in community decisions or in choices affecting their wellbeing
such as whether to go to school, ways to generate income or whether to
marry. Essentially, young people aged 12-24 have few positive roles within most
refugee communities and very limited constructive outlets through which they


are able to develop into productive, healthy members of society, prepared to aid
in the rebuilding of a community in exile. Neglect of this age group compounds
their already vulnerable position and leaves them open for recruitment into
military service, prostitution, or young marriage. On a community level, lack of
opportunity for youth hampers reconstruction efforts and increases the
likelihood of a return to conflict as economic growth remains stagnant (Lowicki,
2000). In order to prevent this from occurring, humanitarian agencies need to
work together to provide educational programs that will allow youth to have a
constructive role in the community.

The first part of this paper discusses the unique challenges and demands

faced by youth in refugee and IDP situations, illuminating consequences for

failure as well as the need for meaningful action. The second section examines

the barriers to access faced in promoting educational opportunities for

adolescents. The final segment looks at the work of Jesuit Refugee Services (JRS),

the International Rescue Committee (IRC), and the Refugee Educational Trust

(RET) in order to gain awareness of the different approaches to youth education.

Methodology

This study employs several methods to understand the factors that limit

adolescent access to education in refugee and IDP situations, as well as the

ramifications of these barriers to access both for the individual and the

community. Research of secondary sources has been done to understand

competing viewpoints of education in these circumstances, as well as the projects

currently being supported by various organizations. Five phone interviews with

international Non Governmental Organization (NGO) staff were conducted to

gain a deeper understanding of different agencies’ perspectives on education and

to be able to compare the different approaches being used to address this crisis.

Manpower Issues and Options

Beatrice Reubens' paper provides an international comparative approach to the study of teenage unemployment and
related policies. Her paper suggests that, while several
industrialized countries experienced comparatviely low
teenage unemployment throughout much of the post-World War II
period, teenage unemployment in these countries has been
affected by the recent recession. Moreover, she questions
whether the conditions that supported lower unemployment
in those countries might now be on the wane. Specifically,
Dr. Reubens cites demographic factors, apprenticeship and
transition programs (such as job placement of school graduates) as being significant determinants of teenage unemployment. Comparing youth programs in the U.S. with those
of other countries, she observes "a greater variety abroad
but also less dependence on public service employment."
The experience of foreign countries with wage subsidies
was of special interest to the participants. In addition
the discussion included such intangible factors as various
degrees of paternalism by firms and unions toward youths
in different countries. The significance of socio-economic
mobility was also discussed as one of the influences affecting unemployment among youths.
Sar Levitan's paper focuses on the situation in the
United States. It addresses the question of whether or
not specific, targeted policies, such as changes in minimum
wage legislation and various public employment and training
programs, can play a major role in dealing with teenagers'
problems in the labor market. Professor Levitan states
that general labor market conditions have a major impact on
the unemployment situation for teenagers. He argues against
the differential minimum wage as an approach in the current
context because of the potentially adverse effect on other
groups. Until the economy returns to tight labor markets,
he proposes that policies be focused on the approximately425,000 long-term unemployed teenagers, He suggests such
policies as community job creation, the expansion of stipends
for institutional and apprenticeship training, and an expansion in the Job Corps.
Much of the discussion of manpower policy in the United
States centered on the problem of establishing priorities.
To what extent should policies be targeted on particular
groups of unemployed teenagers, such as nonwhites? What
priority should be attached to year-round versus summer
job programs? What should be the relative emphasis on
cyclical versus structural problems of teenagers in the
labor market?

Issues and Options in Education

James Coleman's paper focuses on the complex process
by which young people enter the labor market and eventually
become full-time workers. He states that in a market
system there is an inherent difficulty in this transition
from a subsidized environment, the school, to an unsubsidized one, the job market. Professor Coleman's paper discusses some of the broad approaches that might be taken to
meet this problem. Among his suggestions for consideration
are work-study arrangements for students and the possible
use of entitlement vouchers to provide youths with more
latitude in their choices of education and training programs
Richard Freeman's paper discusses the difficult
question: "How serious is the youth labor market problem?"
before considering: "How might schooling help?" He points
out that unemployment rates diminish as youths mature,
and he cites a lack of information about the effects of
unemployment on youths. Professor Freeman identifies the
placement of school graduates as a potentially critical
link and suggests that an emphasis on placement and on
work-study arrangements might lead to lower unemployment
rates for youths.The discussion led to a consideration of the roles of
aspirations and mobility. Some unemployment accompanies
the process of adjusting aspirations to available opportunities. However, perhaps unemployment among teenagers could
be reduced somewhat without sacrificing the goals of freedom and widespread opportunity.

THE TEENAGE UNEMPLOYMENT PROBLEM: WHAT ARE THE OPTIONS?

Perspectives on Teenage Unemployment

This session was devoted to a discussion of the dimensions, causes, and implications of the recent high levels

of teenage unemployment. Part of the explanation relates

to the recession, and part to the way teenagers participate

in the labor market. Also, unemployment is a particularly

serious problem for certain groups of teenagers, for example,

nonwhites and high school dropouts.

Ralph Smith's paper presents some quantitative estimates of the effects of the 1974-75 recession on teenage

unemployment rates and jobless rates.1 Dr. Smith reports

that teenagers bear a disproportionate share of the loss

of jobs from the recession. One out of four job losses

associated with the recession was incurred by a teenager,

although teenagers accounted for only about 9 percent of

the total employment at the start of the recession.

On the impact of macroeconomic policies, Dr. Smith

concludes that "teenage joblessness should decline sharply

as the economy recovers, with the strength of the recovery

of utmost importance to youth." However, macroeconomic

policies alone will leave the teenage jobless rate substantially higher than that of adults.

Bernard Anderson's paper stresses that the job market

situation of nonwhite youths is much worse than for white

youths and that the disparities in terms of higher unemployment rates and lower labor force participation rates for

1. The jobless rate includes, in addition to those

counted as unemployed, an estimate of the number of persons who are not actively searching for a job (and therefore are not counted as unemployed) but who would be in

the labor market if the economy were operating in the

range of 4 percent overall unemployment.

(i)

77-208 O - 76 - 2nonwhites have become greater over a long period of time.

Among the causes of labor market problems for nonwhite

youths, Professor Anderson cites weak job markets in central

cities, racial discrimination, educational problems, and

changing attitudes among youths. In the policy area, Dr.

Anderson reviews some pluses and minuses of past manpower

programs for youths and outlines the types of programs

which he feels would be most effective. Among other recommendations, he emphasizes the importance of the quality of

work experience. He suggests for consideration a yearround, work-study program for inner-city youths.

The discussion brought out some of the unique aspects

of teenage unemployment compared to adult unemployment.

For example, a disproportionate share of unemployed teenagers are new entrants and reentrants to the labor force;

and the duration of unemployment among teenagers tends to

be shorter than among unemployed adults. Some of the

teenage unemployment is associated with the transition from

school to finding the first post-school job